Formerly state representative for the 73rd District, a Democrat. In the House from the 2001 session to the 2018 session.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured
In the 2018 session, the last term served.
A member of Judiciary Committee and Public Safety and Security Committee.
Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.
2018 Regular Session, HouseNone
5 co-sponsored
10 not past the House · 33 co-sponsored
2016 Regular Session, HouseNone
24 co-sponsored
5 not past the House · 17 co-sponsored
2014 Regular Session, HouseNone
66 co-sponsored
8 not past the House · 41 co-sponsored
1 not past the House · 46 co-sponsored
4 not past the House · 56 co-sponsored
2010 Regular Session, HouseNone
26 co-sponsored
5 not past the House · 68 co-sponsored
2008 Regular Session, HouseNone
30 co-sponsored
5 not past the House · 24 co-sponsored
1 not past the House · 12 co-sponsored
6 not past the House · 21 co-sponsored
1 not past the House · 25 co-sponsored
2 not past the House · 38 co-sponsored
2002 Regular Session, HouseNone
26 co-sponsored
5 not past the House · 52 co-sponsored
Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.
On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.
2018 · House: scored with the 2017 session.
2017 · House: 0.1 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a ninth term; the middle representative scored 0.4 times; 119 representatives that term.
Scored over 2017 and 2018 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2016 · House: scored with the 2015 session.
2015 · House: 0.1 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, chairing a committee, in a eighth term; the middle representative scored 0.6 times; 152 representatives that term.
Scored over 2015 and 2016 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2014 · House: scored with the 2013 session.
2013 · House: 0.7 times what was expected, about as expected, for a representative in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a seventh term; the middle representative scored 0.6 times; 152 representatives that term.
Scored over 2013 and 2014 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2012 · House: scored with the 2011 session.
2011 · House: 0.0 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, chairing a committee, in a sixth term; the middle representative scored 0.3 times; 95 representatives that term.
Scored over 2011 and 2012 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2010 · House: scored with the 2009 session.
2009 · House: 0.0 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle representative scored 0.3 times; 125 representatives that term.
Scored over 2009 and 2010 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2008 · House: scored with the 2007 session.
2007 · House: 0.1 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle representative scored 0.3 times; 130 representatives that term.
Scored over 2007 and 2008 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2006 · House: scored with the 2005 session.
2005 · House: 0.1 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle representative scored 0.4 times; 151 representatives that term.
Scored over 2005 and 2006 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2004 · House: scored with the 2003 session.
2003 · House: 0.3 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle representative scored 0.5 times; 154 representatives that term.
Scored over 2003 and 2004 together, the bills of both years counted. Terms counted from 2001.
2002 · House: scored with the 2001 session.
2001 · House: 0.3 times what was expected, less than expected, for a representative in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle representative scored 0.3 times; 152 representatives that term.
Scored over 2001 and 2002 together. Our records begin with 2001, so no earlier term counts toward what was expected.
Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.
On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.
2018 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2017 · House: 0% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 6%.
2016 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2015 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2014 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2013 · House: 10% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 5%.
2012 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2011 · House: 25% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 5%.
2010 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2009 · House: 16% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 6%.
2008 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2007 · House: 63% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 10%.
2006 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2005 · House: 33% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 13%.
2004 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2003 · House: 64% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 18%.
2002 · House: too few co-sponsorships to say.
2001 · House: 27% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic representative, 16%.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.
Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.
What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2001, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.
Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.